PROPERTY AND THE SCHEDULED CASTES AND TRIBES IN INDIA

 

PROPERTY AND THE SCHEDULED CASTES AND TRIBES IN INDIA

 Bhagwan Das,  July 20,1985.

Property gives security, power and prestige. Desire to own property has become one of the most powerful motivating urges of human-kind. So long as man remains master of 'property' it does not prove to be harmful; it is when property becomes the master of man that the problems begin to arise. Buddha the greatest teacher of man was not in favour of accumulating property and yet like most saints of medieval India he did not glorify property. He advocated the middle path and because of his teachings in the countries which follow Buddhism, the disparity between rich and poor is not as wide as it is in countries where theistic religions are followed.

Concentration of property in few hands leads to or results in exploitation and impoverishment of a large number of people. To perpetuate their hold, the propertied classes use all means at their command especially religion, education, and laws. Disparities in all spheres of life give birth to conflicts culminating in violent upheavals. This is inevitable because changes cannot be brought about through peaceful means. Although political revolutions eat up their own children yet there is a kind of romance attached to the word revolution.

India is one of the poorest countries of the world where fifty to sixty percent people live below poverty line and a large majority of the people own no property. Yet in India we have a small number of people who own most of the property in the form of land, industry and real estate.

Most modern economists and historians attribute this to colonial rule which lasted barely 150 to 200 years but poverty of India goes back to thousands of years. According to ancient Brahminic laws, framed in the name of God or gods, a large number of people  who created wealth were not allowed to own property. They had to be kept perpetually in want and dependent in the name of religion. They were not allowed any leisure so that they may have no time and energy to think. They were not allowed to bear arms so that they may not revolt. Inspite of modern laws, independence of the country situation has not changed very much in the 568, 000 of villages where nearly 80 percent of people live.

Property in the form of land is owned by the upper land- holding castes. During the British regime India was divided into two groups, namely British India and princely states.

Princely states followed different land and property laws according to the laws of the rulers and the tradition of different states. British in the territories directly under their control introduced land reforms and property laws keeping in view their needs and interests. While originally it was collection of revenue in subsequent decades it was the desire to protect the interest of classes which provided the soldiers.

Scheduled Tribes people in certain areas rebelled against the new system introduced by the British and enforced through the members of exploiting classes. A compromise was reached and laws banning transfer of property to non-tribals were enacted. But enactment of law is one thing and its implementation is quite different. Tribals continue to be exploited by the 'plains people' whom they contemptuously call 'Dikko!

Scheduled Castes people in many states, provinces in India were not allowed to own property, land etc. In Punjab (Punjab, Delhi, Haryana included) their duties and responsibilities as 'menials’ were recorded. They could not purchase land so long as they remained within the Hindu-fold, by embracing Islam, Christianity or Sikhism they could get rid of this stigma. After the advent of independence these restrictions were removed but Scheduled Castes people did not even then have any right on the land on which they had built their huts while legal restrictions have been removed, majority of the Scheduled Castes still own no property.

When Constitution was being drafted Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar was against inclusion of 'Right to Property' in the Constitution. But Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel and Mr. K.M.Munshi were vehemently opposed to this suggestion. They belong to the propertied class. Majority of the members in the Constituent Assembly belonged to this class and no class can be expected to commit harakiri jeopardising its own interests, or sources of power and prestige.

Land reforms and introduction of new taxes and enhancement of taxes have been introduced as measures to control the fast-growing power of propertied classes but like all good laws these have not been properly implemented. Taking advantages of loop holes deliberately left by the law makers, the purpose of land-reform laws has been defeated.

To defeat the Laws landlords in some states have divorced their wives while they still continue to live with them. Some have got the land mutated in the names of fictitious persons or even in the names of dogs and cats owned by them.  In Punjab one can find names like 'Potato’ son of 'Tomato’ recorded in land revenue papers.

On the other hand, where land has been allotted with great pomp and show to the members of the Scheduled Castes what was given was 'patta! and useless sheet of paper and no the actual land. Himachal made an announcement that land shall be granted to all Untouchables but what was given was barren land where nothing could be grown.

Dr. Ambedkar in his famous book 'States and minorities had dealt with this problem. He had criticised Pundit Jawahar Nehru for in the resolution moved by him in 1946 there was mention of 'Socialism'. After his bitter experience in 1937 when mere mention of the word socialism had angered many of the Congressmen, Pundit Nehru did not want to antagonize his colleagues while he wanted time to consolidate his position after freedom of India.

Dr. Ambedkar’s remedy was 'nationalization of land' and allotment to landless people. He was not in favour of creating peasant proprietors with small patches of land which did not solve any problem at all. On the contrary fragmentation of land into small non-viable parcels created more problems and led to pauperisation of the farmers. He was in favour of allotment to 'collectives'. After the failure of collectives in Soviet Russia many people appear to be afraid of repeating the mistake but Dr. Ambedkar thought in the Indian circumstances this was the best solution. Besides this he desired creation of separate villages of Untouchables so that they may live in peace and security. Migration to the cities is the other alternative.

Untouchables were not allowed to own property. Now they have the right to own property but do not have the means to own property. Since India is now a socialist state the right way to make it socialist is not to encourage the growth of private property but to distribute it equitably and enforce laws which were framed to reduce the disparities. Peaceful and constitutional means have not produced the desired results. Socialism it appears cannot be brought about through peaceful and constitutional means. The classes which have no property and have no hope of security or end of exploitation cannot but think of violent means which is the only way through which socialism has been brought in countries where it is being practiced. By strengthening the propertied classes and weakening the landless and property-less people socialism can never be brought about in any country.

Safai Karamchari Diwas-31 July

 

 Safai Karamchari Diwas-31 July

-S.R. Darapuri

31 July is celebrated as “Safai Karamchari Diwas” across the country. On this day, the Safai Karamcharis of Delhi, Nagpur and Shimla Municipality get a holiday. On this day, Safai Karamcharis gather and discuss their problems and raise their demands collectively.

The history of Safai Karamchari Diwas is that on 29 July, 1957, the Safai Karamcharis of Delhi Municipal Committee started a strike demanding their wages and some work-related facilities. On the same day, the Federation of Central Government Employees also warned of going on strike. Pandit Nehru was the Prime Minister of India at that time. He warned the Central Government employees and all the strikers in strong words that their strike would be suppressed strictly.

On 30 July, the strike of New Delhi Safai Karamcharis started. The Municipality tried to manage the work by recruiting people from outside to break the strike. On the one hand, the Safai Karamcharis stopped the garbage vehicles from taking the newly recruited workers to work and on the other hand, appealed to the workers in the name of caste to make their struggle successful. Clashes also took place between the striking and the newly recruited Safai Karamcharis near Humayun Road, Kaka Nagar, Nizamuddin etc.

On 31st July, around 3 pm, an attempt was made to take the newly recruited workers in lorries from Bhangi Colony Reading Road. The Safai Karamcharis tried to stop this. One lorry was taken out with the help of the police. But when the second lorry was being taken out, the striking workers opposed it more strongly. The police started beating an employee named Timlu badly. The crowd got agitated and someone threw stones at the police. The Deputy SP present on the spot at that time ordered to fire on the crowd. The people of the colony say that the police came inside the colony and beat people and fired bullets. Before firing, neither lathi charge was done nor tear gas was fired. It is not known how many bullets were fired. Police said that 13 bullets were fired.

In this firing incident, a young man named Bhoop Singh was killed who was not a sanitation worker but was there as a guest. The municipality which was not ready to accept any demand of the sanitation workers till 30th July, agreed to accept after the strike started. Due to firing by the police during the strike and the death of a man, anger and enthusiasm increased among the sanitation workers which could have taken a terrible form. Many people expressed sympathy and slowly people started forgetting this incident.

The workers living in the Bhangi Colony did not allow any non-Congress political party to come near them for fear of losing their jobs. On the other hand, the workers did not want to forget this incident either. They gave more importance to the death of the young man Bhoop Singh who was shot, and not to the reasons for his death or the attitude of the rulers. Keeping their sentiments in mind, the leaders living in this colony started the tradition of celebrating the death anniversary of Bhoop Singh. After 1957, every year “Bhoop Singh Shahidi Diwas” was celebrated in the Bhangi Colony located on Panchkuiyaan Road and Bhoop Singh was made the hero of this movement. A big picture of Bhoop Singh was put up in the room attached to the Balmiki temple. Every year tribute is paid to Bhoop Singh in this meeting.

Baba Saheb Ambedkar had a great desire to bring together the sanitation workers of the whole of India on one platform. A nationwide organization should be formed which would fight for their upliftment and progress and could free them from dirty profession and slavery. When he was the Labour Member of the Viceroy's Executive Council from 1942 to 1946, he wanted to form their trade union at the national level so that they could fight in an organized manner for their rights.

He had also formed a committee to study the problems of sanitation workers. In fact, Babasaheb wanted the Bhangis to give up brooms and that is why he gave the slogan “Bhangi Jhaadu Chhodo”.

The greatest influence on Safai Karamcharis has been that of Gandhiji, Congress and Hindu politicians and religious leaders. On one hand, they kept the Safai Karamcharis away from Babasaheb’s independent movement and on the other hand, they have tried to keep them illiterate, backward, poor and unorganized so that they remain dependent on Hindus forever, remain unorganized and keep doing the work of cleaning toilets and carrying garbage. On the other hand, they prevented their organizations from becoming independent and strong. Their reins have always been in the hands of Congress Hindus.

There has always been a lack of organization among Safai Karamcharis because Safai Karamcharis of entire India cannot be brought together on one platform in the name of Balmiki or Supach. By doing so, there is a fear of caste conflict among them. Therefore, it is necessary to organize Safai Karamcharis as “Safai Karamcharis”. With this objective, the “Ambedkar Mission Society,” which was founded by Shri Bhagwan Das Ji, decided in 1964 that like “Labour Day”, “Safai Karamchari Diwas” will be celebrated in Delhi too so that on that day, the sanitation workers can discuss their problems and demands and raise them in an organized manner. Gradually, 31st July started being celebrated as Sweeper Day or Safai Karamchari Diwas in other cities of India too. After Delhi, Nagpur is the first city where Sweeper Day is celebrated every year as a public event since 1978.

On this day, tribute is paid to the Safai Karamcharis who fought for their rights, died in accidents or during their service and discussions are held to find solutions to other problems. Resolutions are passed and sent to the government and programs are made for the development and progress of Safai Karamcharis.

In his book “Safai Karamchari Diwas 31, July” and “How to celebrate Safai Karamchari Diwas?” Bhagwan Das Ji has said in a discussion on celebrating it meaningfully that it should be celebrated like Children’s Day, Teachers’ Day and Labour Day. He has further said that it would be appropriate to discuss their business, economic and social system and problems related to education etc. in the gathering on this day. Emphasis should be laid on the spread of education, especially on the education of girls and women. Prizes should be given to students needing help in education, encouragement of music and painting, sculpture and sports and emphasis should be laid on small family, health and eradication of addiction. Ministers and outside leaders should not be invited to this gathering. People should be made aware of the life struggle of Baba Saheb and other great men so that they get inspiration from it and their courage and enthusiasm increases and they themselves try to move forward.

In fact, Safai Karamchari Diwas should be celebrated as a festival completely useful for organizational awakening, education and upliftment among the employees because they are the most exploited, despised and backward working class.

How BJP uses religion to promote its politics?

 

How BJP uses religion to promote its ,?

SR Darapuri, National President, All India peoples Front

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), as a major political party in India, has been associated with leveraging religious sentiments, particularly Hinduism, to advance its political agenda. This approach is often tied to its ideological foundation in Hindutva, a nationalist ideology that emphasizes Hindu cultural and religious identity as central to Indian nationhood. Below is an analysis of how the BJP has used religion to promote its politics, based on observed strategies and patterns:

1. Promotion of Hindutva Ideology:

   - The BJP, rooted in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), promotes Hindutva, which seeks to unify India under a Hindu cultural framework. This ideology frames Hinduism not just as a religion but as a way of life integral to Indian identity.

   - Key campaigns, such as the Ram Janmabhoomi movement in the 1980s and 1990s, mobilized Hindu voters by emphasizing the construction of a Ram temple at the disputed Ayodhya site. The BJP capitalized on this issue to gain widespread support, culminating in the temple's inauguration in 2024, which was heavily publicized as a political and cultural milestone.

   - The party often invokes Hindu symbols, deities, and narratives in its rhetoric to resonate with the majority Hindu population, framing itself as a defender of Hindu values against perceived threats.

2. Polarization through Religious Issues:

   - The BJP has strategically used religious issues to polarize voters, often portraying itself as the protector of Hindu interests against minorities, particularly Muslims. Issues like cow protection, love jihad, and anti-conversion laws are highlighted to appeal to Hindu sentiments while framing minorities as "others."

   - For example, campaigns around cow protection have led to strict laws in BJP-ruled states, resonating with upper-caste Hindu voters who revere the cow as sacred. This has sometimes fueled communal tensions, which critics argue benefits the BJP by consolidating Hindu votes.

   - Rhetoric around "appeasement" of minorities by opposition parties is used to position the BJP as a party that prioritizes Hindu interests, creating a narrative of Hindu victimhood that rallies its base.

3. Religious Symbolism in Political Campaigns:

   - BJP leaders, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi, frequently participate in high-profile religious events, such as temple visits, Ganga aarti, or Kumbh Mela, which are widely covered by the media. These acts reinforce the party’s image as aligned with Hindu traditions.

   - During elections, the BJP often incorporates religious imagery in its campaigns, such as slogans invoking Hindu pride or references to mythological figures like Lord Ram. The 2019 and 2024 elections saw such symbolism prominently featured in rallies and speeches.

   - The consecration of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya was timed strategically before the 2024 general elections, with Modi’s involvement in the ceremony reinforcing the BJP’s Hindu credentials.

4. Legislative and Policy Measures:

   - The BJP has pushed policies that align with Hindu nationalist goals, such as the abrogation of Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir (seen as a move to integrate a Muslim-majority region more fully into India) and the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), which critics argue discriminates against Muslims by prioritizing non-Muslim refugees.

   - Anti-conversion laws in various states, often framed as protecting Hindu women from "forced conversions," appeal to religious sentiments while targeting minority communities.

   - The Uniform Civil Code (UCC), a long-standing BJP promise, is promoted as a way to unify personal laws under a Hindu-majority framework, resonating with its base.

5. Media and Social Media Amplification:

   - The BJP has effectively used media and social media to amplify religious narratives. Pro-BJP outlets and influencers often highlight issues like "Hindu pride" or alleged threats to Hinduism, creating a feedback loop that strengthens the party’s messaging.

   - WhatsApp groups and X posts are used to spread content that glorifies Hindu culture or criticizes minorities, often exaggerating or fabricating incidents to stoke communal sentiments.

   - For instance, during the 2020 Delhi riots, posts on X and other platforms amplified narratives blaming Muslims, which critics argue aligned with the BJP’s broader strategy of communal polarization.

6. Mobilizing Religious Institutions and Leaders:

   - The BJP often collaborates with Hindu religious leaders and organizations, such as sadhus, sants, and groups like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), to mobilize voters. These figures endorse the party’s agenda during religious gatherings, lending it spiritual legitimacy.

   - Events like the Kumbh Mela are used as platforms to showcase the BJP’s commitment to Hindu culture, with state-sponsored infrastructure and publicity reinforcing its image.

Critiques and Counterpoints:

- Critics’ View: Critics argue that the BJP’s use of religion fosters division, marginalizes minorities, and undermines India’s secular fabric. They point to incidents of communal violence, such as the 2002 Gujarat riots or the 2020 Delhi riots, as consequences of the party’s polarizing rhetoric.

- BJP’s Defence: The BJP counters that it is restoring Hindu pride after centuries of perceived subjugation under Mughal and colonial rule. It claims its policies reflect the aspirations of India’s Hindu majority and accuses opponents of "pseudo-secularism" that favours minorities.

 Evidence from Recent Sources:

- Web sources highlight the BJP’s role in the Ram Temple movement, noting how the 2024 inauguration was a political triumph that boosted Modi’s image as a Hindu leader (e.g., analyses from BBC and Al Jazeera).

- Posts on X frequently discuss the BJP’s religious rhetoric, with some users praising it as cultural revivalism and others criticizing it as divisive. For example, X posts from 2024 celebrated the Ram Temple event, while others flagged rising communal tensions in BJP-ruled states.

- Data on electoral success shows the BJP’s vote share increased after high-profile religious campaigns, such as 39% in 2014 and 37% in 2019, per Election Commission of India reports, suggesting the effectiveness of its strategy.

Conclusion:

The BJP uses religion, particularly Hindutva, as a core strategy to consolidate its voter base by appealing to Hindu identity, leveraging religious symbolism, and enacting policies that resonate with its ideology. While this has proven electorally successful, it remains a contentious approach, with debates over its impact on India’s secular ethos and social cohesion.

Courtesy: grok.com